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Introduction
Research on sex offenders has gained widespread attention in the past several decades.
Media sensationalism and the exposure of sex offense cases, especially those involving children, contribute to the current
environment of fear. However, important questions still remain unanswered by research, the media and the criminal justice system. Who are the typical sex offenders? Who are their victims or potential victims, and what can be done to protect the victims?
One may infer from media reports that the typical sex offender is an individual who has already committed a sex offense, is a stranger to the victim, or an authority figure. For example, recent national headlines include a 29 year-old sex offender who pretended to be a 12 year-old boy, and enrolled in four different middle schools. Or, there are the cases in which individuals are preying on children via the internet, and driving hundreds of miles to engage in sexual acts with these children (Dateline NBC, To Catch A Predator).
Truth be known, there is no map, set of guidelines, or picture of a typical sex offender. Much research has reiterated this important point. Previous research provides insights into the sentencing, treatment and recidivism of sex offenders as well as the impact of sex offender laws passed in recent legislative sessions in state and federal government.
This study provides a more complete background of serious sex offenses in Delaware so that we can better understand the effectiveness of our sex offender public safety efforts and penalties as well as the possibilities for rehabilitation and reduction in recidivism. This report seeks to identify a profile of Delaware sex offenders. The purpose of this study is to identify the state of Delaware’s sex offender population for a given year, providing detailed information on Delaware’s sex offenders regarding age, sex, race, relationship to victims, criminal history, conviction, sentencing and recidivism.
Sex Offender Recidivism
Fear of sex offender recidivism is the foundation of the Adam Walsh Act resulting in the tightening of state sex offender registration and notification activities. U.S. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales explains, “Too often sex offenders continue to harm children even after previous conviction (DOJ Press Release May 17, 2007).”
However, in the world of criminal recidivism, sex offender recidivism rates appear to be an anomaly, and are difficult to interpret. For instance,
adult sex offenders have low sex offense recidivism rates. The Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics (Langan et al, 2003)
study of sex offenders released from prison in 1994 shows that
only 5.3 percent of them were rearrested for a new sex crime after being at risk three years (p.24). Similarly, in the study of Delaware adult sex offenders (Huenke et al, July 2007)
released from prison in 2001,
only 3.8 percent of them were rearrested for a new sex crime after being at risk three years (p.11). In a very extensive recidivism study in Ohio (Black et al 2001),
only 8 percent of sex offenders released from prison return to prison for a new sex offense after being at risk 10 years (p.11).
Yet, there is a bewildering contrast when these adult sex offender recidivism rates are viewed in light of the 2007 Delaware Juvenile Level V (incarceration) and Level IV (24 hour programs) sex offender study (Rodriquez-Labarca and O’Connell June 2007). Twenty-seven percent of the juvenile sex offenders are rearrested for a new sex offense or failure to register as a sex offender offense within three years of release (p. 10). After five years at risk, 41 percent of the juvenile sex offenders were rearrested for a new sex crime or failure to register as a sex offender offense(p. 10). It is striking that sentenced juvenile sex offenders have a recidivism rate about ten times higher than their adult sex offender Level V (incarceration) prison counterparts. Also interesting to note is that 27 percent of the offenders in the Delaware adult sex offender study had sex offenses in their prior criminal history (Huenke et al July 2007, p.7). Likewise, this study finds that 34 percent of the offenders with a 2004 sex offense disposition have a prior sex offense arrest. These comparisons imply that until significant time is served in prison (about four and one half years on average in Delaware), sex offense recidivism remains fairly high (Huenke et al July 2007). Interestingly, the Langan et al (2003) study shows that the longer the time served in prison, the lower the recidivism rate for child molesters (p.19).
Is post-prison sex offense recidivism really as low as reported by official statistics? If so, it might be expected that post-prison recidivism for sex offenders for any crime would also be very low. However, this is not the case.
Sex offenders are very likely to be arrested for non-sex crimes after release from prison or conviction. In the BJS (2003) study, 43 percent of the sex offenders released from prison were rearrested within three years for any crime. In Delaware, adult sex offender recidivism is 55 percent for any crime (Huenke et al 2007, p.13), and 68 percent for any new crime for juvenile sex offenders (Rodriquez-Labarca and O’Connell June 2007, p.11).
In most cases, a convicted sex offender has nothing to gain by reporting his/her own sexual criminal acts. Where a sex offender’s treatment should involve an honest assessment of the individual’s deviant sexual fantasies and behavior to be effective, such disclosure may result in further prosecution and punishment. We also know that a very high percentage of sexual assaults go unreported by the victim (Tjaden and Thoennes Jan. 2006). This may be why we react as if the very low post-prison sex offense recidivism rates belie reality. The enhanced sex offender registration and notification programs represent one way that we try to ensure protection, and to locate offenders when sex assault reports come in.
Oddly, the Washington State (Schram and Milloy 1995) study shows that community notification has no impact on increasing arrests for sexual assault, though it does result in an increase of arrests of sex offenders for non-sex related crimes (p.19). Thus, increased surveillance, while likely to increase the discovery of new crimes committed by sex offenders, does not ensure catching sex offenders for new criminal sexual acts; however, if incapacitation results from arrests for other offenses, the practice may still be effective in reducing sex offense recidivism.
The secrecy of a sex offender’s life has led Colorado to develop treatment and monitoring programs for sex offenders released to their community, which includes the use of routine polygraph examinations as a way to expand their knowledge of sex offenders’ activities. (Colorado Sex Offender Management Board, June 2004). The Colorado approach to treatment and public safety are not well served unless sex offenders are forthcoming about their deviant sexual activity. “Just as the offender’s current offense may not accurately reflect his level of dangerousness, the information he self-reports will most likely reflect what he is willing to disclose rather than what professionals need to know (English and Heil 2006, p.15).” To gain a step toward more personal freedom in Colorado, sex offenders must complete at least two non-deceptive polygraph tests. Not only is knowledge of sex offender activity more complete in Colorado, using this knowledge appears to be associated with a better understanding of sex offender behavior, both pre and post-conviction, and victim types (English et al 2000). An answer to the surprisingly low “official” sex offender recidivism numbers may be that when polygraph results are compared to the official records, the actual sex offenses in Colorado increases from a median of two to a median of thirty-six, a ratio of 18 to 1 for actual versus official sex offenses (Simon et al 2004).
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