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Showing posts with label CivilCommitment. Show all posts
Showing posts with label CivilCommitment. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 21, 2013

MN - What to do with 700-plus sex offenders? Pressure builds for answer

Original Article

05/16/2013

By Susan Hegarty

Under court order to treat and release clients held in treatment program, DHS proposes biennial reviews and scattered-site placements.

Even sex offenders have constitutional rights.

Finished with their prison sentences, about 680 sex offenders have been civilly committed by the courts and placed in the Minnesota Sex Offender Program for an indeterminate period of time. A judge may have determined them to have a sexual psychopathic personality, be a sexually dangerous person or both.

Yet, under pressure from a federal court, Minnesota is faced with the challenge of releasing more people who were court-ordered to treatment at the MSOP facilities in Moose Lake or St. Peter. To date, only one individual has been granted a provisional release. Holding the rest of them indefinitely is unconstitutional, according to the court.

The people who are in this program nobody wants for their neighbor. But they have constitutional rights. That means we have to set up systems that are constitutional and actually work,” said Rep. Jim Abeler (R-Anoka).

The Sex Offender Civil Commitment Advisory Task Force studied the issue and the Department of Human Services began looking at modifying the way clients move through treatment, including alternatives to moving to the Moose Lake facility. Proposed changes are contained in SF1014 (PDF) sponsored by Sen. Kathy Sheran (DFL-Mankato), which the Senate passed 44-21 on Tuesday. It now awaits action in the House, where Rep. Tina Liebling (DFL-Rochester) is the sponsor.

The House Judiciary Finance and Policy Committee approved the companion bill, HF1139 (PDF), 5-3 on May 10 and referred it to the House Rules and Legislative Administration Committee.

Two options
The bill would authorize judges to commit offenders to one of two options: the MSOP facility or placement in a “Strict and Intensive Supervision and Treatment” program, or SIST. Each client’s placement and treatment progress, or lack of progress, would be reviewed every two years.

We’re talking about managing a population that’s already there and continuing to grow,” Liebling said. An estimated 50 newly released sex offenders could be court-ordered into the treatment program each year, according to the Department of Human Services.

The way to make sure that the treatment is effective is to have this independent group of examiners who review each patient’s progress at least every two years,” Liebling said.

Recognizing that newly released sex offenders may be diverted from entering MSOP, DHS has asked public and private treatment programs to submit information about whether they could provide ongoing treatment following release. The department received more than 20 responses, which could include day treatment, foster home settings, apartments and monitoring individuals by GPS with ankle bracelets. Some programs have prior experience treating sex offenders while other responders currently offer in-patient treatment services for other problems, such as alcohol and drug addictions. If legislators warm to the idea of scattered site treatment centers, the next step would be to request program proposals from the respondents.

Obviously there are lots of places where it wouldn’t be appropriate to put this kind of facility, but if we say there is no place, then we’re really in a pickle,” Liebling said.

But some committee members were reluctant to vote on the bill, saying it wasn’t “ready for prime time.”

I don’t want to be in a position of learning what this does after I vote on it,” said Rep. Steve Drazkowski (R-Mazeppa).

Not willing to wait
But Abeler wasn’t willing to wait until the 2014 legislative session to act.

I don’t know how we as legislators, sworn to uphold the constitution, do nothing with the threat of (federal) action or otherwise. We have a job to do. Is this a scary bunch of people to deal with? Could one of these people re-offend? Absolutely. There are ways to set aside who is high risk and who is low risk. We’re not even doing that,” he said.

Rep. Tony Cornish (R-Vernon Center) predicted that cities and counties will pass ordinances prohibiting the location of the treatment centers in their communities. “Basically we’re going to have to shove this down their throat.”

His approach would be further upstream in the court system. He suggested creating a new class of criminal called a “predatory sex offender” which calls for a 60-year prison sentence.

That stops the flow to the sex offender program. With incarceration, you don’t run into the constitutional problem because you don’t have to treat them when they’re incarcerated,” Cornish said.

There is also the political consequence to consider. No member wants to be labeled soft on crime. “Is there political peril in this? Absolutely,” said Abeler.

For others, the cost of operating MSOP is the driving force behind their support. It costs the state about $120,000 a year for each person in treatment. Keeping them in prison is about one-third of the cost.

The trend that we’re on is unsustainable,” said Rep. Michael Paymar (DFL-St. Paul). He called the bill a “good first step. I think we have to give this a chance.”

Rep. Debra Hillstrom (DFL-Brooklyn Center), chair of the committee, puts her faith in the courts knowing when to commit someone into the program and when to discharge them back into society.

It is court in and court out. And all of the evaluations about what level of care, security and treatment is going to be determined through the courts, and I have a high amount of regard for the court and their ability to assess,” Hillstrom said.


Wednesday, May 15, 2013

MN - Senate passes sex offender legislation with bipartisan support

Original Article

If it were one of their own family members who was stuck in the system, we're sure something would be done about it. They are playing with people's lives here!

05/14/2013

By Paul Demko

House Republicans have opposed companion bill

The Senate passed legislation on Tuesday making significant changes to the state’s troubled civil commitment program for sex offenders with bipartisan support. Minority Leader David Hann and eight other Republicans were among the 44 senators voting in favor of the proposal.

A pair of Senate DFLers — Matt Schmit of Red Wing and Susan Kent of Woodbury – voted against the legislation. The bill is sponsored by Sen. Kathy Sheran, DFL-Mankato.

The legislation faces an uncertain fate in the House. The House companion bill, sponsored by Rep. Tina Liebling, R-Rochester, passed out of the Judiciary Finance and Policy Committee on Friday evening, but without any Republican support. DFL leaders have indicated that they won’t move forward unless there is a commitment from Republicans to provide some votes for the politically volatile issue.

In a number of conversations, we have asked for and continue to look for bipartisan support for this issue,” said House Majority Leader Erin Murphy on Tuesday. “In committee the other night, that was clearly not evident.”

House Minority Leader Kurt Daudt has been noncommittal about rounding up GOP votes. “I’m not sure if it’s necessary that we take action this session,” Daudt said on Monday. “We’re still kind of looking at that.”

Murphy sees a greater sense of urgency to address the MSOP. “It is an issue that needs attention,” she said. “[Daudt]‘s not taking the opportunity to solve the problem in front of us.”



Saturday, May 11, 2013

MN - Sex offender bill draws GOP opposition

Original Article

So this is what congress has become? A bunch of cowards who are afraid to stick their necks out to do what is right in order to save their own careers and reputations? Boy, this country is indeed going to hell! Kind of reminds me of 2 Timothy 3 from the Bible.

05/10/2013

By Dan Linehan

ST. PAUL - A bill to begin reforms to the state’s sex offender program was passed by a House committee Friday evening on a party-line vote after about three hours of discussion.

The bill’s sponsor, Rep. Tina Liebling, D-Rochester, was concerned about the on-the-record vote, which Republicans may use as political ammunition.

Rep. Steve Drazkowski, R-Mazeppa, had asked for a roll call, which would require each vote to be recorded, which isn’t the case for a voice vote.

The only reason to do that is to use that vote against members of this committee,” Liebling said.

The bill authorizes the creation of alternatives to the the high-security, prison-like hospitals in St. Peter and Moose Lake. With a judge’s approval, some sex offenders could be transferred into smaller facilities spread across the state. Every other year, patients’ treatment progress would be reviewed to determine if they are in the right setting.

Liebling’s bill doesn’t change how people are civilly committed or how they are freed from that commitment. Those two processes are at the core of a federal lawsuit that is behind these recent reform efforts. A judge in that case appointed a panel in 2012 to examine the issue, and that body’s first round of recommendations is the basis of Liebling’s bill.

Though the bill is only taking these modest first steps, she said lawmakers who vote for it could be “spun as being soft on crime and soft on sex offenders.”

They’re worried that constituents will complain about sex offenders being housed near them, even in a secure setting. And a sex offender who gets released and re-offends could be wielded as a potent political weapon against anyone who voted for a reform bill.

Rep. Tony Cornish, R-Good Thunder, said before the 5-3 vote that he doesn’t think the bill will make it to the House floor. He said the bill would get either one or no Republican votes, and predicted some Democrats would peel off.

Why would they stick their neck out?” he said.

Liebling agreed that her bill might not make it to the floor: “It cannot move forward without bipartisan support.”

But it did, at least on Friday. The committee voted at about 8:30 p.m.

Donna Dunn, executive director of the Minnesota Coalition Against Sexual Assault, testified in support of the bill.

She said the bill doesn’t answer all of her questions about what would happen to sex offenders, but called it “a moderate step to have a deeper and longer conversation.”

Cornish has a competing proposal that would give 60-year prison sentences to people in a new class he’s calling “predatory sex offenders,” a designation to punish the most heinous sex crimes. But he didn’t introduce it this year because it doesn’t have “a snowball’s chance in Hades” of being passed, he said.

Cornish’s idea wouldn’t affect the people already in treatment but it would make civil commitment unnecessary for new offenders, considering how old the person would be at the time of release.

Republicans suggested waiting until next year and coming back with what they believe will be a better bill.

I don’t know what the big hurry is. We can do this next year after the process has been thoughtful and we’ll have more important data to use,” said Rep. Peggy Scott, R-Andover.

Liebling objected to the characterization of the bill as being written without Republican input. She said they’ve known about the bill for a month but no Republicans have approached her with a concern.

I don’t know what that would mean, if I’m supposed to go and talk to every member of the minority?” she said.

If the bill doesn’t pass the House this year, a federal court could make sweeping changes to the program. It’s even possible that the sex offenders could be all released at once.

Eric Magnuson, former chief justice of the Minnesota Supreme Court, testified that the courts are ready to declare the program unconstitutional (because only one person has ever been released) but can’t say what the courts will do if the Legislature does nothing this year.

But he said “courts don’t sit on lawsuits waiting for states or parties in their own good time to resolve the issues ... if the Legislature doesn’t do it, the federal court will.”

In addition to the every-other-year reviews of inmates conducted by the Department of Human Services, the bill also calls for the use of smaller facilities spread across the state. As it stands, a judge deciding a civil commitment case has two options: Send the person to a prison-like facility in Moose Lake or St. Peter, from which they may never leave, or set them free.

It’s hard to say what these new treatment setting will look like because the department is still in the early stages of soliciting proposals, from both governments and private companies, to house sex offenders.

Commissioner Lucinda Jesson said the proposals so far run the gamut: “Everything from a halfway house model to things that are more secure.”

Magnuson said having more options also helps the treatment process because it allows patients’ responsibilities to be gradually increased.

You need a transition, a flow. This gives the court a chance to put people in a better location,” he said.

Republicans said the fiscal costs of the bill haven’t been properly vetted, in part because the bill didn’t stop in the House finance committee.

Do you know how many of these new facilities we’re going to need?” asked Brian Johnson, R-Cambridge.

Jesson said she didn’t know, and declined to guess, because it will depend on where judges decide to send civilly committed people once more options are available.

Jesson said the department could pay for new treatment models with the money budgeted for the 55 or so sex offenders slated to come into the program every year. They cost the state $326 a day per person, and any new model is almost sure to cost less.

That explanation seemed to satisfy Senate Republicans in that body’s finance subcommittee on April 30, but wasn’t good enough for the House Republicans.

The bill’s Senate companion, sponsored by Mankato Rep. Kathy Sheran, is ready for a final vote and has moved through committees with little or no objection. Why has its Senate path been so smooth compared to the House?

Liebling blamed (or credited, depending on your perspective) a few representatives for the opposition, as well as a different culture than the state Senate.

The bill’s next stop in the House is the rules committee.


Saturday, April 27, 2013

WI - Sturtevant Considering Sex Offender Ordinance

Original Article

04/26/2013

By Heather Asiyanbi

Neighboring communities like Racine and Caledonia have ordinances governing where sex offenders can live. Sturtevant trustees are looking into having one as well.

Sturtevant trustees are looking into whether or not they should adopt an ordinance governing where sex offenders can live.

Trustee Chris Larsen said Tuesday during the Continual Committee meeting that he got the idea after learning about a similar ordinance in Caledonia and reading in The Journal Times about the efforts to pass one in the City of Racine.

"I just want to make sure that Sturtevant doesn't become the dumping ground for sex offenders in eastern Racine County," he said. "I'd like feedback on whether or not I should continue researching."

The ordinance Larsen is proposing would only apply to offenders determined by a court to be sexually violent who are released under the state's 980 commitment petition. That statute allows the state at the end of a convicted offender's prison sentence to petition the court to commit the offender to the Sand Ridge Secure Treatment Center in Mauston, WI.

Sturtevant Chief Sean Marschke cautioned trustees to be sure the state would have to comply with local ordinance.

"If the state doesn't have to comply with our ordianances with these cases, then it's not worth pursuing," he said.

Patch contacted the Department of Human Services to find out if the state does have to comply with local ordinances.

"Yes, the state does," wrote Claire Smith in an email response to our note.

In Caledonia, the following rules apply for violent offenders released under the state's 980 petition:
  • At least 1,000 feet from a school, church, park, athletic field, trail, playground, conservation district, or H.F. Johnson Park (which is managed by the city); and
  • At least six blocks away from other sex offenders.

For those not under supervised release but required to register with the Department of Corrections' sex offender registry, they must live:
  • At least 2,500 feet away from schools, churches, parks, athletic fields, trails, playgrounds, conservation districts, or H.F. Johnson Park; and
  • At least six blocks away from other sex offenders.
- So does that make any sense? Those deemed dangerous (980's), must stay 1,000 feet away, while those less dangerous have to stay 2,500 feet away?  It seems that should be the other way around, unless we are reading something wrong?

Village President Steve Jansen agreed Larsen should continue his research.

"I'd like to see some more research into whether or not this makes sense for us," he said.


Monday, April 15, 2013

CO - Complex sex offender system isn't working, say lawmakers and lawyers

Original Article

04/14/2013

By RYAN MAYE HANDY

When he was 22 years old in 2003, [name withheld #1] met a girl online. She was two months away from her 15th birthday, and he knew it.

Both were living in Colorado Springs, and after two months of chatting online, they met and had sex. The girl told [name withheld #1] that she had been sexually involved with men his age before, so he thought it was no big deal, he said.

I kind of got myself into feeling I was her friend,” [name withheld #1] said. “If I said no, she was going to take that wrong.”

During the next couple of months, they had sex three or four times, and in June 2004, [name withheld #1] was arrested for sex assault on a child, after the girl’s parents discovered their relationship, [name withheld #1] said.

The arrest marked the beginning of a long, winding trip for [name withheld #1] through the correctional system, a trip determined by Colorado’s Lifetime Supervision Act of 1998.

Concern for public safety was at the heart of the act’s creation; it was designed to keep people convicted of the worst types of sex offenses behind bars, possibly for life, while using therapy to treat others with lesser offenses, allowing them to transition back into society and live under strict parole requirements.

But the system isn’t working as lawmakers intended.

The system has become an expensive way to warehouse sex offenders of all types, state lawmakers and lawyers say. Thousands of offenders, including [name withheld #1], are serving what are essentially life sentences in prison, where release on parole depends on the availability of money and treatment spots. Of the nearly 2,000 Colorado sex offenders sent to prison under the Lifetime Supervision Act, 168 have been released.

Costs for the treatment program are rising yearly, as more offenders require treatment and others are on a years-long waitlist, with a disproportionate amount of money supporting a relatively small prison population. A state-ordered study of the offender treatment program found that it is poorly funded and is staffed by therapists whose training is out of date and who use antiquated treatment techniques.

Without more money, Department of Corrections officials have said, the system bears little resemblance to the one lawmakers envisioned and is further threatened by the costs of lawsuits by prisoners desperate to get into the treatment program that is the key to their release.

Raising red flags
When the act was created in 1998, some lawyers immediately raised red flags, and many of the issues they predicted have come to fruition, corrections officials say. But changing the system would take more than money — it also would take a willingness to examine the way the state punishes and treats an unpopular type of offender, experts said.

With the benefit of this hindsight, I probably wouldn’t have supported it, but back then, who knows?” Sen. Pat Steadman, head of the Joint Budget Committee, said of the act. “It’s hard to be rational and evidence-based when you are talking about sex offenders. It’s so easy to let the emotion and the fear and demonizing these guys rule the day in terms of how policy decisions get made. That’s unfortunate, and we need to try to avoid that.”

In April 2012, state lawmakers ordered a study of the sex offender treatment program that is mandated by the Lifetime Supervision Act. The findings, released Feb. 1, confirmed the most problematic aspects of the treatment program: It is inefficient, costly and poorly executed. The study showed that budget cuts have crippled the program’s effectiveness and that undertrained and often underqualified therapists, distrusted by offenders, base their treatment on outdated research.

The sentencing system for sex offenders can be fixed by two things, the report said: more money and new laws.

The Department of Corrections agrees. It says the Lifetime Supervision Act cannot work without millions more dollars to push hundreds of offenders through the system.

But plans to enact changes have been derailed by a busy General Assembly session — dominated by gun control and civil union bills — and the March shooting death of Tom Clements, Department of Corrections director.

The most crucial change to the sex offender treatment program, namely eliminating the mandate that every offender get treatment, requires a change in law and must wait until the next session, said Rep. Claire Levy, D-Boulder, vice chairwoman of the Joint Budget Committee.

A work in progress
Victims of sex assault, their advocates and prosecutors say the Lifetime Supervision Act works. Sex offender treatment has helped reduce recidivism and provides a better alternative to letting offenders free in communities without supervision. Years in prison and rehabilitation is the price to pay, they say, for the harm done to sexual assault victims, who can face a lifetime of trauma.

Meanwhile, sex offenders desperate for freedom are suing the DOC. One class-action lawsuit questions the constitutionality of keeping sex offenders in prison. Without the funds to get offenders through treatment, the department expects it will be the target of several more lawsuits.

Two months after [name withheld #1]’s arrest, he was given a deferred sentence of four years and put on probation. Three months later, he violated his probationary restrictions and was sentenced to a Community Corrections program in Colorado Springs for two years. He spent more than two years going through treatment and probation programs, failing to meet the requirements each time.

Five years after meeting the girl online and after multiple probation failures, [name withheld #1] was given an indeterminate sentence, a minimum of two years to life in prison. Four years into his sentence, he is still in prison.

[name withheld #1] feels the effects of the tightening state corrections budget.

I’m kind of at the back of the list right now,” he said in November. “It feels like a punishment for me. I bring it up in group (therapy).”

In desperation, [name withheld #1] and other offenders will do nearly anything to progress through treatment and get their tickets to freedom — even admit to crimes they did not commit, [name withheld #1] said. Sex offenders take a lie-detector test, which is meant to ferret out confessions to crimes they might have lied about in the past. [name withheld #1] continually fails the test — meaning, he must be lying, he said — and in frustration he has resorted to making up crimes and false confessions. The study of the treatment system confirmed that inmates have been known to deliberately lie on the test, called a polygraph.

We have an expensive philosophy — if you don’t say you did it, then you’re going to stay in prison until you do,” said Laurie Rose Kepros, a public defender.

Penalties were largely unknown
When [name withheld #1] was first sentenced for his sex offense, he had never heard of the Lifetime Supervision Act. He had no idea that the sentences typically given for more serious crimes of pedophilia could eventually apply to him and give him years in prison.

Under the Lifetime Supervision Act, the term sex offender is broad and encompasses many offenses — some of which are punished more severely than they were before 1998. The act aims to put sex offenders through a heavily supervised and intense system of treatment, whether they are in prison or on probation. That has made the process — from court, to prison, to parole — more complicated.

A small percentage of sex offenders in Colorado are serial pedophiles or violent rapists who go straight to prison. Most convicted sex offenders, 70 percent, are like [name withheld #1]. They are convicted of consensual sex crimes with minors, for example, and are given probationary sentences.

Offenders with different crimes or differing contexts can get the same conviction. [name withheld #1], for instance, was convicted of sex assault on a child in a position of trust — one of the same counts brought against former Colorado Springs police officer [name withheld #2], who on Feb. 22 was sentenced to 70 years to life for molesting schoolchildren. But the context of [name withheld #2]’s and [name withheld #1]’s crimes were viewed differently by the court, and the men were given different sentences.

To tailor sentences to the crime, judges and lawyers study closely the context of the sex offense. Kepros, statewide director of sexual offense defense for the Colorado Public Defenders Office, and El Paso County Judge Tom Kennedy, among other lawyers and judges, said the system works best when an offender’s situation is closely considered. Unlike murder or manslaughter — convictions that carry a consistent sentence — a sex offense felony doesn’t necessarily send an offender straight to prison.

For the majority of sex crimes, a person is probation-eligible,” said Kennedy, who serves on the Sex Offender Management Board, a group that oversees the prison treatment programs.

These sex offenders spend time in a Community Corrections sex offender treatment program or are sentenced to work duty. Offenders, even those on probation, face decades of state supervision. It is only when they violate the terms of their probation that they face a prison sentence. Whether on probation, in Community Corrections programs or in prison, sex offenders are part of the same group — regardless of the severity of their crime. They must register as sex offenders and often do treatment together, Kennedy said.

[name withheld #1]’s first probationary sentence was the result of a plea bargain — he told the court he was guilty in exchange for avoiding a possible life sentence.

But after [name withheld #1]’s repeated failures on probation, what he sought to avoid became his fate: He was given an indeterminate sentence.

Changing strategy
Indeterminate sentences are central to the Lifetime Supervision Act. Such sentences give prisoners a range of years they can serve in prison instead of a specific release date. Because of their potential severity, indeterminate sentences have changed the strategy of lawyers in the courtroom, Kennedy said.

If I was a practicing attorney and I was having a client who was pleading guilty, you’d certainly have to advise them that they could spend time in prison,” he said.

Just one-quarter of sex offenders begin their sentences in prison. But because so few of them get out, the group dominates the population of lifetime offenders.

Since 1998, there have been 1,940 people sentenced to prison under the Lifetime Supervision Act, according to Colorado Judicial Department statistics released in January. Of those, 1,797 sex offenders are still in prison. There are more sex offenders in the Colorado Department of Corrections than prisoners serving a lifetime sentence for first-degree murder, at 831 offenders.

Because of the Lifetime Supervision Act, every sex offender sentenced under the act in Colorado is counted among those serving lifetime sentences. There are 2,474 prisoners in Colorado facing a maximum of life, and sex offenders make up almost exactly half of that group.

Far-reaching impact
The impact of the act stretches beyond the prison gates. Some sentences put offenders under intensive supervision for 10 to 20 years after their release from prison. They might be required to have regular — possibly daily — appointments with a probation officer and a mandatory profile on the sex offender registry, among other requirements.

Before the Lifetime Supervision Act, a person convicted of sex assault on a child in a position of trust, a class 3 felony, served a minimum of 12 years in prison. Today, an offender guilty of the same crime can receive a sentence of 12 years to life in prison. If that offender is paroled, he or she could spend at least 20 years under close state supervision.

The act was designed to keep perpetrators of violent sex crimes in prison for as long as possible. But many sex offenders across the spectrum, regardless of the severity of the crime, face long prison sentences and delayed access to treatment that is required for parole, defense attorneys and public defenders said.

Lifetime probation, parole in bill
Former state Rep. Norma Anderson, a Republican from Lakewood, sponsored the Lifetime Supervision Act.

We cannot afford to keep them in jail or in prison for the rest of their life, and that’s not fair,” she said when she introduced the bill. “So, what this bill does — it does not change the sentencing requirements as already in law, but it does establish lifetime probation and lifetime parole.”

It was part of a national trend, said Peggy Heil of Denver, who has worked with sex offender treatment programs since before the bill passed.

Back then in the United States, there was a trend in civil commitment laws,” Heil said last year. Civil commitment laws placed sex offenders in mental institutions instead of prison. In Kansas, the sex offender program required mental evaluations before offenders were paroled. Arizona instituted a program that placed sex offenders under state supervision, even after they were paroled.

Records of Colorado House Judiciary Committee meetings that year show the act was wildly popular, with representatives eager to place sex offenders behind bars for life. But attorneys who testified before the committee were apprehensive. While the bill considered the needs of pattern pedophiles, it didn’t make allowances for a lower class of sex offender, someone with a statutory rape or consensual sex charge, they argued.

Saskia Jordan, now a private defense attorney and former president of the Colorado Criminal Defense Bar, predicted that the bill would present many complications.

You will have people being sentenced to life sentences who, in the past, wouldn’t have … and the sentence may well be unduly harsh,” she told the committee.

Jordan was also concerned that the bill’s plan for parole was unrealistic; it wouldn’t allow inmates out until it could be assured they wouldn’t reoffend. No one can be certain that an offender won’t reoffend, Jordan said.

'No known cure'
When the sex offender treatment program was created, it centered on a “no known cure” principle — sex offending was seen as a disease that could be monitored and kept in check but never cured. The thinking has since changed due to offender complaints, and the program is seen as a tool that helps sex offenders control their behavior.

Erin Jemison, executive director of the Colorado Coalition Against Sex Assault, said the benefits of the Lifetime Supervision Act far outweigh its problems. Offenders who violate probation need the prison environment to take treatment seriously, Jemison said.

It’s hard for me to be convinced that the guy who is in prison is the guy who made one mistake,” Jemison said.

Victims of sex assault experience a lifetime of trauma, said Doug Cohen, an assistant district attorney in Jefferson County who was formerly an assistant district attorney in Colorado Springs.

When the defendant was committing the crime, did they think about the fact that they were submitting the victim to an indeterminate life sentence?” Cohen said.

I think in a lot of ways, they (victims) may just be left out there after a certain amount of time to fend for themselves. (That’s the) unanswered problem — like I said, their sentences are indeterminate,” Cohen said.

Anderson was inspired to champion the act after a close family friend was sexually assaulted. While she acknowledged that many offenders object to the system she helped create, Anderson contended that they cannot understand a victim’s pain.

I guess they haven’t had a family member who’s had to live their lives under the burden of a sex offense,” she said in November 2011.

Considering a fix
In April 2012, lawmakers began looking into how to fix the Lifetime Supervision Act. Their move came after another budget request from the DOC for more funds for its treatment program. Lawmakers ordered an independent audit to examine how well the sex offender treatment program is working.

We really did not want to continue investment in treatment programs that weren’t working, that weren’t evidence-based, that weren’t getting the results we want,” said Steadman, who as chairman of the House Joint Budget Committee commissioned the report. “We don’t want to just warehouse these guys in prison for the rest of their lives.”

The report’s findings echo many of [name withheld #1]’s and other inmates’ complaints about the treatment they receive in prison.

[name withheld #1] said he dislikes the “one size fits all” style of treatment, where offenders with vastly different crimes are treated together. That’s something the report harshly criticized as well. Because of this philosophy, a portion of low-risk offenders are being “over treated,” the report said. The limited treatment slots should be saved for high-risk offenders, the report said, while offenders such as [name withheld #1] should be on the fast-track to get out of prison and finish treatment outside.

And a lack of money means that therapists aren’t well trained, the report said. Training for new therapists is sporadic and inefficient and relies on out-of-date techniques. Therapists isolate the offenders, making them feel like monsters, [name withheld #1] said. Therapists are often quick to discipline, sometimes unfairly, [name withheld #1] claims. He said he doesn’t trust his therapists and like other offenders fears retaliation from them, particularly if they admit to disliking the treatment program. The report also noted and criticized the inmates’ fear of their therapists.

There tends to be corner cutting and drift away from therapeutic models,” the report said.

Judge: Program sets up failure
In 2004, after [name withheld #1] was arrested and sent to court for the first time, he pleaded guilty to sex assault on a child in exchange for a deferred sentence of four years, which meant probation. He didn’t take it seriously, he said. He was late for some appointments with his probation officer, he missed some urinary analysis tests, and he still used the Internet — all of which ended his probation and sent him back to court.

Of all the probation programs for offenders, sex offender probation is the toughest, said Angel Weant, a probation services liaison officer for the Colorado Judicial Department. Although most offenders, roughly 70 percent, start with probation, many end up in prison. Kennedy, the judge, said the program’s challenges set many up for failure.

It’s very demanding, so many people who initially get a probationary sentence will fail,” he said.

After [name withheld #1] violated his first probation sentence, he had to move out of his parents’ home because his young niece was living with them. He was given two years in Community Corrections, a state-run program that provides treatment to offenders, with a 10-years-to-life probation sentence afterward.

[name withheld #1] finished the Community Corrections program, but as before, he flouted some restrictions. He dated a woman, and in 2006, they went to the annual Balloon Glo at Memorial Park, where [name withheld #1] bumped into his probation officer. Events like the Balloon Glo, teeming with children, are prohibited for someone with [name withheld #1]’s history. He was sentenced to another four-year stint with Community Corrections but was kicked out after six months because he continued to see his girlfriend and his family members, he said. Like many sex offenders, [name withheld #1] said he did not understand the severity of a lifetime offense until it looked him squarely in the face. [name withheld #1] also said he felt that his punishment did not fit his crime: He was originally sentenced because of his interactions with a 14-year-old, and with no history of pedophilia, he did not understand why he should be barred from interacting with adult women or young children.

'Toughest' program
Sex offender treatment specialists consider sex assault a manipulative crime, where victims are coerced into keeping silent and trusting their perpetrators. And sex offenses are widely recognized as some of the most under-reported crimes; probationary restrictions attempt to assiduously control whom offenders come in contact with to prevent them from reoffending, judges and victims advocates say.

The intensive program for sex offenders is “probably the toughest that a person could be under,” for good reason, Kennedy said.

Allison Boyd, a victims advocate for Jefferson County, said most offenders fail probation because it does not provide the same motivation as a potential lifetime sentence in prison.

(In many cases), sex offenders start out on probation, where they appear remorseful and want to change. But once they start, this is not the path they choose. They don’t choose to change their behavior,” Boyd said.

Offenders who violate the terms of a probationary sentence deserve what they get: prison, said Jemison, the director of Colorado Coalition Against Sex Assault. She doesn’t buy the argument that inmates are being held for unjustifiably long sentences — if they’ve ended up in prison, it was because their offenses were serious or they repeatedly violated probation, Jemison said.

It’s hard for me to be convinced that the guy who is in prison is the guy who made one mistake,” she said.

For many sex offenders, the restrictions of probation often seem incongruous with their crimes, said Laurie Knight, a sex offender therapist who worked for Adams County Social Services for two decades.

For a man such as [name withheld #1], whose initial crime involved a teenage girl, dating an adult woman or attending an event with children younger than 10 might not seem like an issue, Knight said.

But the rules are determined by research, Knight said. Research shows that one sex offending behavior can stem from another — even if [name withheld #1] had no sexual history involving children younger than 15, his one-time attraction to a minor means he runs a higher risk.

People who come into the system rarely only committed a crime they’ve got caught for. Sixty percent of adult rapists have also molested children,” Knight said.

The strict probation system isn’t perfect, Knight said, but the probationary rules aren’t the problem.

It’s how the rules are implemented. Every probation (program) has a different culture,” she said.

Her solution for offenders such as [name withheld #1] is simple: “Get out and stay out.”

But in 2008, after violating the conditions of two probationary sentences, [name withheld #1] was sentenced to serve two years to life in Fremont Correctional Facility outside Cañon City.

The ticket to freedom
For sex offenders, a smooth passage through sex offender treatment programs while on probation or in prison is often their ticket to freedom.

To be considered for parole, offenders must start and finish treatment programs in prison, including taking lie-detector tests, called polygraphs, and meticulously recalling and discussing their personal sexual histories. Both are meant to ensure honesty from offenders, a key in their treatment, according to the program philosophy.

An inability to finish the second of two phases of treatment has kept [name withheld #1] in prison past his parole date. For more than a year, he has failed polygraphs and stalled in his treatment. He has now given up hope that he’ll be paroled.

Glenice [name withheld #1] has watched her son fail repeatedly in the treatment programs; she is frustrated, too. She is one of the founding members of Advocates for Change, a group working on behalf of sex offenders. The members are mostly mothers or spouses, who keep in touch with offenders and push legislators to change the Lifetime Supervision Act. While treatment might have helped [name withheld #1]’s son, she now thinks it is past the point of doing any good.

He’s learned a lot about himself. But once you get to a certain point, it’s like beating a dead horse,” she said in late 2011. “They (sex offenders) made a really bad choice. To spend your life behind bars for something like that is ridiculous.”

Trouble with treatment
Sex offender treatment is a contentious subject for therapists and offenders — and it’s expensive.

Sex offenders complain that treatment casts them as hopeless and helpless monsters, with no hope of change. Therapists have adopted various philosophies of treatment — at one point, they treated offenders as if they suffered from incurable diseases, while other therapists believe sex offending is a choice.

Once in prison, offenders are put on a list to get into the treatment program. The program’s philosophy is based on helping sex offenders control their behaviors, said Heil, who heads the program for the Department of Corrections.

Sex offending is a behavior. What treatment can do is teach people how to manage the problems that lead to their offending,” Heil said.

[name withheld #1] and other offenders said they dislike their therapists and have resorted to lying on polygraphs out of desperation to pass them.

The audit confirmed that offenders are often terminated from treatment too quickly or easily. The program has a notoriously high termination rate, inmates said. Offenders can be bumped out of the program for disciplinary issues or for being what inmates call “in denial” of their crime. In 2011, more than 90 percent of the offenders in the first phase of treatment were terminated, for various reasons.

Still, a few offenders have extracted some good from their treatment. [name withheld #1], who said he considers himself an introvert, said he has gained confidence.

Nonetheless, as he struggles to get through Phase II, [name withheld #1] has given up. After more than a year in prison keeping a low profile and cooperating with his therapists, [name withheld #1] continued to fail multiple polygraphs, which he was counting on to help him pass out of Phase II and get one step closer to parole.

[name withheld #1] said he remained frustrated, even as signs of change trickled into the prison. Last fall, auditors visited Fremont Correctional Facility, where [name withheld #1] is serving his time, and interviewed inmates, giving them a rare chance to vent their frustrations in privacy.

The hope around here is that they’ll make some changes,” [name withheld #1] said.


Thursday, April 11, 2013

MN - Sex-offender program changes reviewed by Minnesota House committee

Venus Flytrap
Original Article

04/10/2013

By Megan Boldt

A bill that would rehab a program for Minnesota's most dangerous sex offenders got its first hearing Wednesday, April 10, in the Minnesota House.

If passed, the bill would require the state to offer more cost-effective treatment alternatives rather than housing all civilly committed sex offenders at the state's high-security treatment center in Moose Lake.

Almost 700 offenders are in the Minnesota Sex Offender Program at a cost of about $120,000 per patient annually -- three times the average inmate cost. Most already have served prison sentences and were court-committed after their release from prison.

Minnesota has yet to treat and fully discharge a sex offender from the program in two decades, leaving it open to criticism and vulnerable to legal challenges such as a class-action lawsuit filed over the summer by several sex offenders. The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that state and federal sex offender civil commitment laws are constitutional, as long as the intent is to treat and rehabilitate.

"It's a really tough issue to crack because of the politics," said Rep. Tina Liebling, DFL-Rochester. "The signal is loud and clear that if we don't do something ourselves as a Legislature, then the federal court may do that for us and we might not like what the court decides to do."

The House Judiciary Committee took its first look at the bill Wednesday. No votes were taken.

Minnesota is one of 20 states with civil-commitment programs for sex offenders. In 2010, it had the highest number of civilly committed sex offenders per capita, said former state Supreme Court Chief Justice Eric Magnuson, chairman of a state task force that is examining the issue.

James Rosenbaum, a retired federal judge who also serves as the task force's vice chairman, compared Minnesota's sex-offender program to a Venus flytrap.

"You get into it and you don't get out. And that's the system we have," Rosenbaum said. "It is not sustainable financially, it is not sustainable legally, and it is not sustainable constitutionally."

The bill, which is based on the task force's recommendations, doesn't change the standard for commitment to the sex-offender program. But it does give judges two choices once someone is committed.

An offender would be evaluated within 60 days of being committed to determine whether he or she should be placed on strict and intensive supervision and treatment or placed in a secure treatment facility. The court would make a final decision based on that evaluation within 30 days.

If a person is placed under intensive supervision and treatment, the sex-offender program must come up with a plan within 60 days that ensures "the safety of the public while meeting the treatment needs of the civilly committed patient." If the sex offender violates conditions of the plan, he or she could be placed in a secure facility.

Offenders would be examined every two years by an outside evaluator to determine if they are making progress toward treatment goals and whether they pose a risk to the public. That progress report would be used to determine if a new course of treatment is needed or whether the patient has made enough progress to be released from the program.

The big unanswered questions ahead are whether Minnesota has enough providers to administer the intense supervision and treatment, and how much it will cost.

Rep. Michael Paymar, DFL-St. Paul, said that his concerns probably are premature but that he worries counties will have to pick up the "lion's share" of the cost unless the state will be reimbursing them for some of the expenses.

Magnuson said the services should be quite a bit less, noting the $120,000 annual cost for each sex offender in Minnesota's secured facilities.

"It's hard to spend more money than the state is spending now," Magnuson said.

Minnesota Department of Human Services Commissioner Lucinda Jesson said her department already has sent out a request for information to survey how many providers are willing to provide services; 21 public and private providers from across the state expressed interest.

In the next several weeks, the agency will issue requests for proposals to see what type of services providers would be willing to offer and how much they would charge.

"We're confident the providers are there. Now we just have to see what types of services they're willing to provide," Jesson said.

See Also:


Wednesday, March 27, 2013

AUSTRALIA - Sex Offender law gives AG power over liberty

Original Article

03/27/2013

By Phoebe Stewart

Attorney General John Elferink has denied claims that the Northern Territory Government's new sex offenders law could be used to political advantage.

The Serious Sex Offenders Act was passed in the Legislative Assembly last night after several hours of debate.

The law allows the Attorney-General to apply to the courts to keep sex offenders in jail beyond their original sentence period if they're seen as a danger to the community.

The Opposition, Independent MLA Gerry Wood and lawyers have all expressed concern about the inclusion of the Attorney-General's role in the legislation and the possible breach of separation of powers.

Mr Elferink detailed to parliament a case of the rape of a three-year-old girl, which, he said demonstrated the need for a bill to extend jail terms for recidivist sex offenders.

He said that if the law been passed when he first tabled a bill while in Opposition, a recidivist offender would probably have remained in jail and the child might not have been molested.

"(We) cannot come into this place and bang on about the rights of offenders, and the rights of people to be at liberty, and all those sorts of things, and say we agree with the philosophy of this bill," he said.

"This is the sort of nonsense which meant that this legislation was not in place to protect children."

The president of the Northern Territory's Criminal Lawyers Association president Russell Goldflam says politicians should keep their noses out of courtrooms.

He says the Attorney-General should not be involved in making decisions on who should be freed and when.

"We have an independent statutory authority, the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, established to just do that," he said.

Nhulunbuy MLA Lynne Walker told parliament the Opposition wanted the Government to defer the bill and strengthen sex offender laws by amending the Sentencing Act.

She said that research on detaining prisoners for crimes they haven't yet committed, or predicting a "person's dangerousness", showed that that it often resulted in errors.

The Independent Member for Nelson, Gerry Wood, said other jurisdictions that have introduced similar laws have not included the Attorney-General in the process.

"In this Act, the Attorney General is mentioned at least 38 times," he said.

"Why do we need that?"

"We don't need what could be seen to be interference from the Attorney-General when it is the role of the Supreme Court and the DPP."

See Also:


Wednesday, March 20, 2013

Patty Wetterling questions sex offender laws

Patty Wetterling
Original Article

03/20/2013

By Jennifer Bleyer

The outspoken activist has a change of heart over the wide-reaching scope of laws she helped put into action

On an overcast spring day in 1996, a handful of people filed out of the Oval Office and assembled on the driveway of the White House before a scrum of reporters. They cast satisfied glances at the television cameras as birds chirped and a helicopter whirred nearby. Nothing except for the white memorial ribbons pinned to their lapels indicated the nature of their fateful connection to each other as the parents of children kidnapped by strangers and, in all but one case, viciously assaulted and murdered.

Audio Source

Standing together, they represented a grim who's who of notorious child abductions of the late 20th century. On one end was John Walsh, whose six-year-old son, Adam, was abducted from a department store in Hollywood, Florida, in 1981 and later discovered decapitated. Then there was Marc Klaas, the father of Polly Klaas, a 12-year-old girl who was kidnapped at knifepoint from her bedroom in Petaluma, California, in 1993 and whose body was found two months later in a shallow grave. In the middle were Rich and Maureen Kanka, whose seven-year-old daughter, Megan, was kidnapped, raped, and murdered in 1994 by a convicted sex offender living across the street from their home in New Jersey. At the front of the group was Patty Wetterling, the mother of Jacob Wetterling, an 11-year-old who was abducted at gunpoint near his home in St. Joseph, Minnesota, in 1989 and never found.
- Let's not forget that Mr. Walsh also dated Reve when she was underage, but he seems to ignore that fact.

Skip forward to 5:46 to see him admit this

There was a stoic, familial air between the parents, a soldier-like bond. Minutes earlier inside the Oval Office, they had watched President Bill Clinton sign legislation known as Megan's Law, named for Megan Kanka, that required states to release information about registered sex offenders to the public. The law was an amendment to the Jacob Wetterling Crimes Against Children and Sexually Violent Offender Registration Act, which was part of a landmark violent crime bill in 1994 that required law enforcement in every state to maintain registries of convicted sex offenders and track where they lived after being released from prison. The original law gave states the option of whether to notify the community of a sex offender's presence. Two years later, Megan's Law said that they must.


But before long the victorious mood at the press conference abruptly shifted. After the group thanked legislators who'd helped shepherd the law through, some reporters mentioned challenges to its constitutionality. The parents grew defensive. John Walsh, whose son's murder had led him to become a renowned campaigner for children's safety and eventually the host of TV's America's Most Wanted, pushed himself before the microphones and raised his voice.
- It was never proven that his son was sexually assaulted, nor if the person who did it, which they claim was Ottis Toole, was a known or unknown sex offender.  They also suspected Jeffrey Dahmer as well, but they settled with putting the blame on Mr. Toole.


"This is letting parents know that the fox is in the henhouse," Walsh said, jabbing a finger in the air. "We're sick of seeing these people get all the rights and our children and the parents not getting any rights. Believe me, I've hunted these people for nine years now. They're predators, they prey upon children — that's their business. We deserve to know these people are in our neighborhoods!"
- Mr. Walsh, in our opinion, is just angry, which is understandable, and is just wanting to avenge his sons death by punishing all ex-sex offenders for his sons death, even when it was never proven sex was even involved in his sons death.  Not all of those on the sex offender registry are predators who prey on children, regardless of what he says.

Patty Wetterling, a petite woman with a neat chestnut bob, looked dismayed in her taupe skirt suit. She interjected, explaining gently that Megan's Law was the equivalent of warning children about a dog in their neighborhood that's known to bite, and adding that it was not about revenge but ultimately just one piece in a large puzzle whose goal was a safe society.
- Patty is the reasonable one among the group.  John Walsh and Marc Klass are always foaming at the mouth when talking about sex offender laws.

"I do think it will have a positive effect," she said.

Several years later, Wetterling flew back to Washington for another press conference, this one announcing the most comprehensive proposed legislation ever to manage sex offenders. Again, she stood among a cohort of other parents who had suffered unspeakable tragedies.

The proposed law would set national standards for sex offender registration, establish civil commitment procedures for people deemed sexually violent predators, require the registration of kids as young as 14 who had committed sex offenses, and be applied even to people whose crimes predated the law and who had successfully completed their sentences.
- Punishing someone who has done their time and in which their crime was before the law came into being, is called an ex post facto law, and is unconstitutional.

By then, sex offender restrictions had mushroomed in a way that was starting to trouble Wetterling. In the years since Jacob's abduction, she had devoted her life to children's safety. But the more she learned about the nature of child sexual abuse, the more she felt like these laws simply didn't get to the root of the problem, and actually made it worse in ways that were hard for most people to grasp.

At the Washington press conference that day, members of the media sidled over to Wetterling to ask her for a comment about the proposed new law. In her earnest manner, she confessed to some misgivings.

"I do have a little bit of concern about it being retroactive," she admitted, "and that it's now going to register juveniles."

Later, on a glorious midsummer day in 2006, President George W. Bush was joined in the White House Rose Garden by lawmakers and victims' families, including John Walsh and his wife, Reve. The president delivered a triumphant speech. Then he sat down and signed the legislation known as the Adam Walsh Child Safety and Protection Act.




There are nearly 750,000 registered sex offenders in America today, up 23 percent from six years ago. Hundreds of millions of dollars are spent each year on registering, publicizing, tracking, and confining them. Since the Wetterling Act was passed in 1994, laws governing sex offenders have grown successively stricter and more far reaching. In many places, residency restrictions dictate that sex offenders cannot live within a certain distance from schools, playgrounds, daycare centers, parks, bus stops, and other places where children gather. Online registries broadcast the names and pictures of offenders, often without specifying the nature of their offenses. Juveniles treated as adults and labeled as sex offenders for acts involving other kids bear that stigma well into adulthood.

Children being labeled as sex offenders?

Virtually all the major laws regarding sex offenders have been passed in the wake of grisly, high profile crimes against kids and, like Megan's Law, they bear victims' names as somber memorials. The laws tend to fuel the impression that sex offenders are a uniform class of creepy strangers lurking in the shadows who are bound to attack children over and over again.

That's what Wetterling used to believe about sex offenders, too. Yet over the course of two decades immersed in the issue, she found her assumptions slowly chipped away. Contrary to the widely held fear of predatory strangers, she learned that abductions like Jacob's are extremely rare, and that 90 percent of sexual offenses against children are committed by family members or acquaintances. While sex offenders are stereotyped as incurable serial abusers, a 2002 Bureau of Justice study found that they in fact have a distinctly low recidivism rate of just 5.3 percent for other sex crimes within three years of being released from prison.

No Easy Answers
Though the term "sex offender" itself seems to reflexively imply child rapist, a broadening number of so-called victimless crimes are forcing people onto the rolls. According to Human Rights Watch, at least 28 states require registration for consensual sex between teenagers, 13 for public urination, 32 for exposing genitals in public, and five for soliciting adult prostitutes. Restricting where sex offenders can live, in many cases forcing them into homelessness and disconnecting them from family and social support, hasn't had any quantifiable reduction on the rate of sexual abuse. And many sex offenders are really children themselves: Juveniles make up more than a third of those convicted of sex offenses against children, and their high amenability to treatment suggests that their youthful mistakes don't predict a lifetime of abuse to come.

These days, Wetterling is a 63-year-old grandmother with a warm smile, soft blue eyes, and a folksy manner. She's well known for her two campaigns for Minnesota's Sixth Congressional District, which she lost to Mark Kennedy in 2004 and Michele Bachmann two years later, as well as her personal story, which is deeply imprinted in the state's collective memory. Her eyes still gloss over with tears when she talks about Jacob.

She's less well known for having quietly emerged as perhaps the most unlikely voice questioning sex offender laws. Although she remains a prominent advocate for child safety — she is the board chair of the influential National Center for Missing and Exploited Children and the director of the Minnesota Health Department's sexual violence prevention program — she has expressed gnawing doubts over the past several years about how we deal with sex offenders, a striking stance for someone who has been personally affected in such a devastating way.

"We have an intolerance for sexual violence, which I agree with," she said recently over coffee downtown. "People want a singular solution, and the solution that's been sold over the years is lock 'em up and throw away the key. But we've cast such a broad net that we're catching a lot of juveniles who did something stupid or different types of offenders who just screwed up. Should they never be given a chance to turn their lives around?"

She paused.

"They are very different than the man who took Jacob."



Long before Wetterling became a public figure, she was a stay-at-home mother in the small town of St. Joseph. On the evening of October 22, 1989, she and her husband, Jerry, went to a party celebrating a local arts festival that she chaired. Their 11-year-old son Jacob stayed at home with his best friend, Aaron Larson, along with their other son Trevor, 10, and their eight-year-old daughter, Carmen. Trevor called over to the arts festival party and asked permission for the three boys to go to a local convenience store, where they could rent a movie and buy soda. They got a neighbor girl to come babysit Carmen and took off on bikes.

The boys were riding home in the dark when a masked man emerged from a gravel driveway along a country road. Pointing a gun, he told the boys to lie down in a ditch, demanded to know their ages, then ordered first Aaron and then Trevor to run into the nearby woods or risk being shot. By the time the two boys caught up to each other and dared to peek back, Jacob and the gunman were gone.

For the Wetterling family, the weeks and months that followed were an agonizing blur. Dozens of county, state, and federal investigators flocked to St. Joseph in the effort to find Jacob. Throngs of firefighters and student volunteers combed the surrounding woods and cornfields.

It soon hit the national news: Peter Jennings on ABC reported, "the effect on Jacob's family has been obvious, but his kidnapping has also torn the tightly knit social fabric of the entire town." Pictures of Jacob, a handsome, tawny-haired boy, were plastered at truck stops, tollbooths, and convenience stores across the Midwest. Billboards and bumper stickers pleaded for information. Thousands of fruitless tips poured in.

Investigators regretfully shared that the most common motive in this kind of abductions was sexual, and they felt all but certain that this was the case with Jacob.

Patty was shocked. "Who would do that?" she thought. "Who would ever think of sexually violating a child?"

The sheriff's office worked with a correctional facility in nearby St. Cloud to catalog recently released sex offenders and painstakingly created a database detailing where they lived to track them down for questioning.

By January 1990, the number of leads had dwindled and the FBI withdrew most of the agents it had assigned to investigate Jacob's abduction. Even so, his family remained hopeful. They poured their energy into keeping him in the public's awareness. It wasn't until about a year after his disappearance that Patty began to think beyond her immediate desperation to find her son and mustered some energy to try to help others.

She'd been ruminating about the database of local sex offenders the police had compiled, and how helpful they said such a resource would have been immediately after the abduction to enable them to quickly locate and rule out suspects. Patty felt certain that the database was a valuable law enforcement tool that shouldn't be filed away in some dusty cabinet. In fact, she thought there should be something similar for police to access wherever a child is abducted.

Around that time, Gov. Rudy Perpich asked Patty to serve on a task force examining the problem of child abduction and exploitation in Minnesota. Cordelia Anderson, an expert on child sexual abuse prevention, was appointed to the same task force and remembers feeling amazed at how Wetterling was able to separate her emotion from public policy decisions.

"Despite the extreme characteristics of Jacob's case, which play into the scariest stereotype and are very, very rare, she somehow quickly went to trying to educate herself," Anderson says.

Half a dozen states already had sex offender registries, and in accordance with one of the task force's recommendations, Wetterling helped craft legislation that would implement one in Minnesota based on what was working elsewhere. Accessible only to law enforcement, it would carefully distinguish between offenders based on the number of offenses, victim's age, degree of violence, and amenability to treatment. It wasn't long after the state law passed in 1991 that Wetterling turned her sights on implementing something similar on the federal level, with powerful allies including former U.S. Sen. David Durenberger.

Senator Durenberger was from St. Cloud, four miles from where the Wetterlings lived, so the abduction had struck close to home for him. It was a matter of days after hearing about it on the news that he had driven over to meet the family for the first time and offer whatever help he could.

"There's nothing like coming into the middle of a tragedy that doesn't have an easy answer," he recalled. "Everybody is going, 'What can we do?'"

Durenberger stayed in contact with the family, dropping by every so often to slip a supportive note in their mailbox, and he eventually led the effort to pass federal legislation requiring every state to maintain a sex offender registry accessible to law enforcement, and to regularly verify offenders' addresses for 10 years to life depending on the severity of their crimes.
- The online registry is nothing more than an online vigilante phone book that many have used to target ex-offenders, or their families, for harassment or worse, and is why the online registry needs to be taken offline and used by police only!


Although Durenberger was out of the Senate when the law finally passed in 1994, he regarded it as a victory.

"Patty started the movement," Durenberger says. "Just a few people had the nerve to get out ahead of the problem and try to come up with a solution that could apply across the country. This was happening one kid at a time, one family at a time. If it had a potential preventable cause, than we ought to deal with it legislatively if we could. That was the imperative."
- As Rahm Emanuel once put it, "You never want to let a good crisis go to waste!" And this is exactly what many politicians do to help them look good to the sheeple of the country.


At the time, registration wasn't seen as a panacea for the problem of sexual abuse, nor a scarlet letter to be pinned on all sex offenders. As far as Wetterling was concerned, the registry was just something that would make it easier for the police to locate former offenders.

"I think [she] intended for registration to fill a gap in public safety," Anderson says. "The whole movement to register juveniles or to lump all who commit any kind of offense into something they can never in their lifetime shake was not the intent. I don't think anybody foresaw that it would turn into what it's become."



In 2008, Wetterling received a missive in the mail. "My name is Ricky and I'm a 19-year-old Registered Sex Offender," it began:

"One night, when I was only 16, I met a girl at a teen club who told me she was almost 16, and we hit it off. She and I dated for a few weeks, but because of some issues at home, she ran away. The friend she was staying with told her to tell the police we had sex, and that she was too scared to go home because she was pregnant. When questioned by the police, I told the truth, I said "yes we had sex twice." The police informed me she was only 13. I was charged with two felony counts of Sexual Abuse 3rd degree and tried as an adult. Now because of the laws regarding the age of consent I am a Registered Sex Offender. Things for me, as well as my family, have changed dramatically and our lives have been shattered."


Wetterling was dumbfounded. She had never imagined her idea being used against someone like this.

"It just makes no sense to me," she says. "The design of the law was not to punish kids for being kids. He thought she was 16, and she lied."
- And yet that is exactly what it's doing!

Wetterling found herself questioning not only cases of juvenile sex offenders like Ricky, but also adults who had clearly committed harm but still didn't seem to warrant the kind of permanent pariah status that registration conferred.

One woman contacted Wetterling to share the story of her husband, a former alcohol abuser who had committed a sex crime when he was 19. He went to jail and afterward turned his life around, getting married and having two kids. The Adam Walsh Act retroactively forced him to register as a sex offender, ushering him into a deep depression. He could no longer sit with his own family at church or chaperone school field trips due to the law's provisions.

Wetterling also met a biochemist and college professor who had been caught molesting his stepdaughter. In addition to his prison sentence, he successfully completed treatment as well as a reunification program with his family and was judged rehabilitated by those who knew him. Yet the unforgiving rules of his status as a registered sex offender eventually pushed him into unemployment, homelessness, and a rootless life at the fringe of society.

She kept coming back to the same nagging feeling: These men were not the same as the man who abducted Jacob. These were not serial child abusers who had no capacity to change, and in a terrible twist, their status as sex offenders might actually make children less safe instead of more. Clogging the registries with so many people who don't represent a real ongoing threat could make it harder to discern those who actually do. Moreover, by perpetuating the stranger-danger myth, the laws could be lulling parents into a false sense of security, blinding them to the much more likely threat of sexual abuse by family and friends. Wetterling started feeling that sex offender laws had simply gone too far.

WARNING: ADULT LANGUAGE!

"We've caught a lot of people in the net who could have been helped," she says. "We've been elevating sex offender registration and community notification and punishment for 20-some years, and a wise and prudent thing would be to take a look at what's working. Instead we let our anger drive us."

To those who support the expansion of sex offender laws, Wetterling's concern for offenders can seem naive and misguided. After his daughter's rape and murder, Marc Klaas became a vocal supporter of stiffer penalties and stricter post-prison monitoring of offenders. He founded an organization, KlaasKids, whose mission is "to protect America's children from the predators who lurk in our shadows," according to its website, and endorses both Megan's Law and the Adam Walsh Act.
- And how many children has his organization saved?

"My feelings for Patty are very warm, but I think she's wrong," Klaas says. "I don't think the system is out to punish innocent people. These are people who've existed in anonymity for thousands of years and now we're finding out who they are, and they're whining about it."
- Because you are blinded by your hate and anger, of course you will disagree with her.  What if your own son was slapped with the sex offender label?

Wetterling is quick to say that she still supports registries as a law enforcement tool and believes in civil commitment for some offenders who are truly too dangerous to live in society. Yet she has a fundamental disagreement with the other victims' families.

"We just view the problem differently," she says. "I have a tremendous amount of respect for what John and Reve Walsh have done, and I used to sit down with Marc Klaas to have a drink or six. We've undergone a shared experience, and I'm never going to tell a parent the way they're dealing with it is wrong or the way I'm dealing with it is right. I just think some of this really angry, punitive stuff is letting the bad guys win. They're building a world that isn't caring and believing in one another. That's not who I am."



Inside a hotel ballroom in downtown Atlanta a few years ago, Wetterling stood at a podium and held a crowd of 1,300 people at rapt attention. She cleared her throat and told the story she's told hundreds of times, the story of Jacob's abduction. She talked about her determination to help prevent child sexual abuse, not just punish it, and about her resistance to simplistic solutions to a complicated problem.

Among those listening to her address the Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers, a national organization dedicated to preventing sexual abuse, was Joan Tabachnick, a co-chair of the organization's prevention committee.

"I think almost everybody in that audience was in tears because of the vulnerability she's able to show, speaking about the horrific experience she's had, as well as how she's translated that into public policy," Tabachnick recalls. "It's amazingly courageous to ask what can we do to prevent this given that there are so many other parents who don't want anything to do with what she's saying."

Wetterling approaches the issue of sexual abuse prevention with the same sense of complexity and nuance that she brings to her understanding of who sex offenders are. To help keep them from reoffending, she believes we need to aid their success with housing, employment, counseling, and social support, all of which the current system does much to dissuade.

"There's a whole bunch else that needs to happen," Wetterling says. "We can't just keep locking them up, putting satellite monitoring on them, registering them for life. That doesn't change the problem."

Wetterling is also focused on primary prevention — that is, stopping abuse from happening in the first place. It's a bitter irony that almost all our public funds are funneled into punishing known sex offenders and virtually none are aimed at preventing sexual abuse from happening in the first place. Waiting until a child is harmed, hoping to find out about it, and then reacting with vengeance might satisfy the public's bloodlust and win points for politicians, but it's not a strategy that actually protects kids.
- What about educating the kids in schools about sexual abuse, and parents as well?  I don't see many people talking about that, except maybe Erin Merryn.

Yet a growing number of clinicians, researchers, activists, and public health officials are turning their focus to primary prevention, which means examining risk factors, protective factors, and even the neurological origin of why some adults may be sexually drawn to children.
- This has been around since the dawn of time.  People have weird fantasies!  Just like those who are into S&M, bondage, homosexuality, etc.

For Wetterling, primary prevention also means taking a broad, holistic view of what's happening in our culture. She rues the effects of a porn-soaked, over-sexualized culture on young people and espouses teaching children about healthy relationships and appropriate behavior starting at an early age.

It's a testament to her preternatural faith in the power of prevention that she sees even her own son's abductor as someone whose vile behavior might have been averted. In 1999, on the 10th anniversary of Jacob's disappearance, Patty wrote an open letter to his kidnapper:

"I have found some comfort picturing you not as a mean old, ugly, bad guy, but at one time, you were an eleven year old boy," she wrote. "Someone's son...possibly someone's brother needing and hopefully sharing the love an 11-year-old boy deserves. If this love wasn't shared in your family, I'm sorry. Every child is entitled to the love and caring that family and friends provide."

She kept a list of questions she was desperate to ask next to the phone in case the abductor called: Why did you do it? Why Jacob? Where is he? But he never called.

Wetterling still harbors hope that Jacob is alive and will return to her someday. In the meantime, she spends her life thinking about what can be done to help children right now — those who might be victimized, as well as those who might grow up to become victimizers someday.

"We can spend the rest of our years talking about how to manage sex offenders," she says. "But wouldn't it be better if we could quit growing them? That's the bigger problem."